The Future of the Arab World

Below are the opening paragraphs from a recent UN report, Arab Human Development Report 2002, a report which Thomas Friedman frequently refernecess and is included in his editorial today in the NY Times. I have great respect for Mr. Friedman and generally agree with his views on the Middle East dilemma. Nevertheless, I felt it necessary to at least engage this report for myself. I have read only the first paragraphs of the 180 pages.

I am dismayed that in these opening paragraphs, the report pounces on Israel's occupation of "Arab lands," neglecting to point out that the lands captured were the result of Arab wars to drive Israel into the sea. I am further bothered by the fact that the opening portion of this report fails to mention the spiritual underpinnings of the Arab dilemma and the Arab-Israeli-Christian morass. Perhaps the report later deals with this, but not to engage such a critical issue upfront suggests that a secular writer is not capable of understanding the true nature of the conflict in the Middle East.

My inital readings make me wary of Mr. Friedman's conclusions. My wariness is further sensitized to what the United Nations has to say... on almost anything. It's true that much of the Arab world is bacward and held in represssion by a belief and values system that refuses to accommodate the modern world. In an age of "mass destruction" and terrorists willing to make it happen, a critical, unbiased light shown on the problem is crucial.

From the Atlantic to the Gulf, people--women, men and children--are the real wealth and hope of Arab countries. Policies for development and growth in the Arab region must focus on freeing people from deprivation, in all its forms, and expanding their choices. Over the last five decades, remarkable progress has been achieved in advancing human development and reducing poverty. However, much still needs to be done to address the backlog of deprivation and imbalance.

Looking forward, much also needs to be done in order to empower the people of the Arab region to participate fully in the world of
the twenty-first century. Globalization and accelerating technological advances have opened doors to unprecedented opportunities, but they have also posed a new risk: that of being left behind as the rate of change accelerates, often outpacing state capacity.

Development is being reinvented by new markets (e.g., foreign exchange and capital markets, new tools (e.g., the Internet and cellular
phones, new actors (e.g., non-governmental organizations, the European Union and World Trade Organization) and new rules(e.g., multilateral agreements on trade, services and intellectual property).

CHALLENGES

Entering the new millennium, people in Arab countries face two intertwined sets of challenges to peace and to development. The first
set has been made ever more conspicuous and pressing after the tragic events of 11 September 2001. These are the challenges to
the pursuit of freedom from fear. Regional and external factors intersect in this realm of peace and security. The second set of challenges is equally important if not more critical. It encompasses challenges to the achievement of freedom from want. These are the challenges faced by people and governments, states and societies as they attempt to advance human development. These challenges are fundamental, not only for their instrumental significance to development and growth but also for their intrinsic value. Equity, knowledge and the freedom and human rights integral to good governance matter for their own sake as well as for their critical role as enablers of development. They are both means and ends. They are central to both the process and the state of human development. Some key aspects of both sets of challenges are highlighted below.

OCCUPATION STIFLES PROGRESS

Israel’s illegal occupation of Arab lands is one of the most pervasive obstacles to security and progress in the region geographically (since it affects the entire region), temporally (extending over decades) and developmentally (impacting nearly all aspects of human development and human security, directly for millions and indirectly for others). The human cost extends beyond the considerable loss of lives and livelihoods of direct victims. If human development is the process of enlarging choices, if it implies that people must influence the processes that shape their lives, and if it means the full enjoyment of human rights, then nothing stifles that noble vision of
development more than subjecting a people to foreign occupation.
Firstly, for Palestinians, occupation and the policies that support it, stunt their ability to grow in every conceivable way. The confiscation of Palestinian land, constraining their access to their water and other natural resources, the imposition of obstacles to the free movement of people and goods, and structural impediments to employment and economic self-management all combine to thwart the emergence of a viable economy and a secure independent state. Moreover, the expansion of illegal settlements, the frequent use of excessive force against Palestinians and the denial of their most basic human rights further circumscribe their potential to build human development. The plight of Palestinian refugees living in other countries is a further manifestation of development disfigured by occupation.

Secondly, occupation casts a pall across the political and economic life of the entire region. Among neighbouring countries, some continue to suffer themselves from Israeli occupation of parts of their lands, subjecting those people directly affected to tremendous suffering, and imposing development challenges on the rest. In most Arab states, occupation dominates national policy priorities, creates large humanitarian challenges for those receiving refugees and motivates the diversion of public investment in human development towards military spending. By symbolizing a felt and constant external threat, occupation has damaging side effects: it provides both a cause and an excuse for distorting the development agenda, disrupting national priorities and retarding political development. At certain junctures it can serve to solidify the public against an outside aggressor and justify curbing dissent at a time when de mocratic transition requires greater pluralism in society and more public debate on national development policies. In all these ways, occupation freezes growth, prosperity and freedom in the Arab world.

CONFLICTS, SANCTIONS AND INSTABILITY PREVENT DEVELOPMENT

Political upheavals, military conflicts, sanctions and embargoes have affected many economies of the region, causing declines in productivity and disrupting markets. Some countries struggling to recover from the ravages of war have emerged with substantial debts, limiting options for public expenditure. All affected countries have emerged with compounded socio-political problems that have retarded progressive moves towards liberalization and democratization. The direct impact of wars is registered in slowed growth, damaged infrastructure, social fragmentation and public-sector stagnation. Some countries have experienced hyperinflation, severe currency devaluations and curtailed foreign-currency earnings. Others have seen their standing in the international community collapse. Most affected countries have lost important human and capital resources critical for the renewal of stability and competitiveness.

ASPIRATIONS FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY REMAIN UNFULFILLED

There is a substantial lag between Arab countries and other regions in terms of participatory governance. The wave of democracy that transformed governance in most of Latin America and East Asia in the 1980s and Eastern Europe and much of Central Asia in the late 1980s and early 1990s has barely reached the Arab States. This freedom deficit undermines human development and is one of the most painful manifestations of lagging political development. While de jure acceptance of democracy and human rights is enshrined in constitutions, legal codes and government pronouncements, de facto implementation is often neglected and, in some cases, deliberately disregarded.

In most cases, the governance pattern is characterized by a powerful executive branch that exerts significant control over all other
branches of the state, being in some cases free from institutional checks and balances. Representative democracy is not always genuine and sometimes absent. Freedoms of expression and association are frequentlycurtailed. Obsolete norms of legitimacy prevail.

DEVELOPMENT NOT ENGENDERED IS ENDANGERED

Gender inequality is the most pervasive manifestation of inequity of all kinds in any society because it typically affects half the population. There have been important quantitative improvements- There is a substantial lag between Arab countries and other regions in terms of participatory governance. Occupation freezes growth, prosperity and freedom in the Arab world...